Except for viewers in Scotland

exceptforviewersinscotland
Yet again we’ve got a leading Brexist appearing on a politics show on the telly in order to inform us how dreadfully unfair it is of the EU to put conditions on the unicorns and cake that the UK expects from Brexit. This time it’s David Davis, who fancies himself as the Action Man of Brexit, small, plastic, hollow, lacking balls, and a figure of 1960s schoolboy fantasies.

Appearing on the Andrew Marr Show on Sunday, David opined that, “There is no other treaty in the world I’m aware of where a sovereign nation undertakes to join up and can only leave when the other side says so.” To which Scotland went, ahem. I’ve got a Treaty of Union to show you. Andrew Marr was quite happy to wade into the Scottish independence debate in 2014, but surprisingly he failed to point out the obvious to David. Well, I say surprisingly.

It is a safe assumption that although David has his political disagreements with the current government, none of them are because he feels that the British government which is refusing a referendum for Scotland is guilty of a degree of hypocrisy a mile wide. He is presumably quite content that Theresa May insists that it’s her right and her right alone to decide whether the people of Scotland can excerise their democratic voice on the future of this country. The UK didn’t have to ask the EU for permission to leave the EU, but Scotland is expected to ask the UK government for permission to even ask itself about its own future.

You don’t have to search very hard to find other examples. There’s Michael Gove, who complained during the EU referendum campaign, “Our membership of the EU stops us being able to choose who makes critical decisions which affect all our lives.” But the UK has a seat at the top table of the EU, it returns MEPs to the European Parliament. In certain aspects of EU policy it has a veto, and its list of opt-outs from those EU policies which it dislikes is legendary. As an EU member the UK has considerably more power to affect the course of EU policy decisions than Scotland has to affect the policy decisions of the British government.

Then there’s Michael Forsyth, the political failure who lost all his party’s seats in Scotland in the 1997 election and who was then bumped up to the House of Lords by his pals so he can still influence our laws and have a role in public life. Michael appeared in a TV debate during the EU referendum and in all seriousness complained about the unfairness of our laws being made by people we didn’t elect whom we can’t vote out of office. Really Michael. You don’t say.

Or how about Boris Johnson, who complained that Theresa May’s Brexit deal was unacceptable because it turned the UK into a vassal state of the EU. By which he meant that the UK would be forced to accept what the EU chose to impose on it without being able to influence the EU’s decision making process. So just like Scotland within the UK then, in an analogy he didn’t make.

It’s not just Tories. A former UK Prime Minister stood before an invited audience of hacks in London in November 2018 and said, “the situation will have been seen to have changed since 2016, and the people should in the end have the final say.” Or there’s a certain children’s author who wrote, “The whole point of democracy is the freedom to change your opinion when the circumstances change.” Except for viewers in Scotland.

It would be nice if the Scottish media made it their business to put the contradictions to British politicians, and demand that they explain why it’s such a dreadful thing that the UK gets dictated to by the EU whereas Scotland getting dictated to by Theresa May is just fine. It would be nice to know why they’d be outraged when there was a UK government with a mandate to hold a referendum to leave the EU which had to ask the EU for permission to hold it, but when there’s a Scottish government with a mandate to hold an independence referendum it has to ask permission from Theresa May. Permission which she is refusing. Pointing out the hypocrisy and demanding our rulers in Westminster explain themselves is the job of a media whose role is to hold power to account, but the self-appointed role of the British media in Scotland is not to rock the UK’s boat while finding aspersions to cast at the SNP.

The hypocrisy and sense of British exceptionalism is off the charts. The American conservative writer William F Buckley Jr. once said of an opponent, “I won’t insult your intelligence by suggesting that you really believe what you just said.” The problem we have in Scotland is that the Tories really do believe what they just said. It’s hard to argue with self-serving stupidity when a person’s job and reputation rest upon them failing to grasp the point. Their hypocrisy insults our intelligence while they have no intelligence to insult.

British exceptionalism means there is one rule for Britain, and another rule for everyone else. That’s clearest of all in the UK’s treatment of Scotland. All those terrible impositions, all those insults to democracy, all those restrictions on sovereignty, which Brexit supporters complain about with respect to the EU, every one of them they are happy to impose upon Scotland. They talk about a union when it suits them, but they act as though Scotland is not a nation. For the British nationalist, Scotland is not a nation and has no more rights than an English county council. British exceptionalism means that the UK demands its rights, demands respect, but it doesn’t recognise that others have the same rights and require the same respect. Except for viewers in Scotland.

But we’ll leave the last word in British exceptionalist hypocrisy to Theresa May herself. The Prime Minister told the House of Commons in December 2018, “Ultimately any union that involves the pooling of sovereignty can only be sustained with the consent of the people.” Except for viewers in Scotland.


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A question of consent

unionisdead

The Labour party’s Scottish branch office has its conference this weekend in Dundee. You can be forgiven for not having noticed, what with so many other vitally important events that are far more newsworthy taking up your attention. Like the two for one offer on toilet unblocker in your local supermarket, or the house across the road getting new curtains in bright red plush velour no less. It’s the talk of the local branch of ScotMid, which is considerably more than can be said for the Labour conference.

Branch office manager Richard Leonard, for whom the adjective hapless appears to have been invented, has been doing the rounds of the interview circuit in an effort to inform Labour voters that he does in fact exist. According to a recent poll, only 37% of Labour voters in Scotland know that he’s the leader of the party in Scotland. The poll didn’t ask how many of them cared, but that number is likely to be lower.

Richard’s great plan to reinvigorate the Labour party in Scotland is to turn it into a Brexit party and to rule out a second EU referendum. With this masterstroke he has managed to piss off the almost two thirds of the Scottish electorate which voted to remain in the EU. But it’s a lot worse than that. Richard has also been stamping his foot at the very possibility of there ever being another independence referendum. Since, as we are frequently informed by a British press which is keen to highlight differences of opinion within the Yes camp, one third of independence supporters also want to leave the EU, that means that by ruling out another indyref under all and any circumstances, Richard has also cut his party off from the support of leave voters who also support Scottish independence. He’s now restricted his party’s appeal in Scotland to people to want to leave the EU and who are implaccably opposed to independence. Most of those people vote Tory, and Richard is trying to sell them Jeremy Corbyn’s version of socialism. That’s a form of politics which believes in self-determination for everyone except Scotland.

There’s a definite parallel between the Conservatives and Labour on the Scottish Question now. It’s a development which hasn’t been much remarked upon in the British nationalist press in Scotland, but one which has fundamentally altered the nature of this supposed union of which Scotland forms a part.

Over the past few months we have witnessed the Conservatives in Westminster insisting that they will refuse to accede to any request for a Section 30 order in order to hold an independence referendum. We have also seen Richard Leonard insist that opposition to another independence referendum will form a part of the next Labour manifesto and will be the policy of a future Labour government irrespective of how the Scottish electorate votes.

The cornerstone of Scottish political discourse up until now, amongst both those in favour of independence as well as those opposed to it, is that Scotland is freely and willingly a part of the UK. We are not a colony held subject against our will, and all that is required for Scotland to leave the UK is for the voters of Scotland to say so. Even Margaret Thatcher, that self-proclaimed English nationalist, conceded that point. She once famously stated back in those pre-devolution days that if Scotland wanted independence it only needed to return a majority of SNP MPs to Westminster.

That’s no longer true. We can no longer believe that Scotland is willingly and freely a part of the UK until the people of Scotland say otherwise when the British government and the major British parties refuse to allow the people of Scotland to have a say on their future. Scotland is being torn out of Europe against its will by people who insist they are respecting the will of people while doing their utmost to prevent the people of Scotland from having any say. If the democratic will of the people of Scotland must be subordinate to the democratic will of the people of England, then this cannot be a union at all.

The refusal of Theresa May to acknowledge the democratic mandate held by the Scottish government represents a seismic change in our understanding of this British state that Scotland remains a part of. Yet it is one which has passed unremarked by much of the Scottish media, which apparently sees its job as to defend the interests of the UK in Scotland and not to defend the interests of Scotland in the UK.

We can no longer pretend that this is a union founded upon consent when we have a British Prime Minister who lied to the Commons and baldly stated that the SNP has no mandate for another independence referendum. This is no longer a union founded upon consent when that Prime Minister says she will refuse to allow an independence referendum. This is no longer a union founded upon consent when the leader of the Labour party in Scotland states that his party’s manifesto can override the will of the people of Scotland.

Our entire understanding of British democracy has been trashed by the British government and the official opposition. It’s been trashed by a British media which baselessly asserts that any independence vote held without Theresa May’s permission would be illegal when the issue has never been legally tested.

In 2014 the anti-independence campaign sought to fight on a very narrow range of arguments. In particular they were concerned above all to avoid getting into the democratic argument for Scottish independence, the way in which the British state subordinates the interests of Scotland and how it contains no constitutional structures which are able to protect Scotland from the effects of English nationalism. Theresa May’s denial of the mandate which the Scottish government possesses thrusts the democratic deficit of a Scotland within the UK into the very centre of the debate.

Despite the intransigence of Theresa May, the question of Scottish independence will be revisited by the electorate of Scotland. And when it is the questions of democracy and consent will be front and foremost. A British state which insists that a Prime Minister without a mandate in Scotland has a veto over Scotland’s future has no answer to that question. If it’s for Theresa May to decide whether Scotland can speak then there is no consent. Consent which is presumed is no consent at all, and without consent there is no union. The union is already dead, it’s been killed by those who claim to love it. The only question left is how best to unchain ourselves from the corpse.


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The fait accompli

theresaveto
There’s been an outbreak of pearl clutching in the pages of the British nationalist press this week as the realisation dawned that Theresa May’s intransigence won’t save them from another independence referendum after all.

Let’s get something straight right away. There is a concerted attempt by the British press to characterise an independence referendum held under the auspices of a Section 30 order granted by Westminster as the only legal way to hold a referendum. Any other path to a referendum is therefore, they tell us, to be regarded as illegal. This is not true. It doesn’t become true no matter how many times the British press writes about so-called wildcat referendums or about Holyrood “holding a referendum without legal approval”. Whenever you read a newspaper article which refers to a referendum without a Section 30 order as “illegal”, or as being held without “legal approval”, you can instantly dismiss it as having been written by a person with a British nationalist agenda. It is opinion, not fact.

The fact is that a consultative referendum held without a Section 30 order may very well be perfectly legal. The point is that that question has never been tested in the courts and therefore anyone who asserts that it would be illegal is prejudging the issue. There is a very good argument to be made that a consultative referendum would be perfectly legal, since the vote would be advisory and therefore would not impinge upon Westminster’s reserved powers over the constitution. It would merely be a test of Scottish public opinion on the matter given the changed circumstances in which Scotland now finds itself. This is not the United Kingdom that Scotland was promised it could be a part of in 2014.

It would remain for Westminster to decide how to act upon that opinion once it has been ascertained. Holyrood is not therefore intruding upon reserved matters as determined by the Scotland Act. There is absolutely nothing to prevent the Scottish Government testing the legality of a potential consultative referendum in the courts, before it brings such a referendum about. If the court rules that such a referendum would indeed be legal, as many argue, then a consultative referendum can go ahead with legal approval, but without a Section 30 order.

In many ways that scenario would be preferable for the independence movement, because then we go into a referendum in which the British government is simultaneously trying to prevent the people of Scotland from having a say, while at the same time trying to persuade us that Scotland is a valued partner in a family of nations. So valued that they’re trying to gag us. That’s really not a good look if you’re trying to sell the fiction of a union. And make no mistake, the independence movement will make hay with it.

This is in essence the argument that Alex Salmond made to David Cameron in 2012, and Cameron’s advisors were sufficiently persuaded by that argument to see the wisdom in conceding a Section 30 order as a means to maintain the fiction that Westminster was in control of events. David Cameron realised that a Westminster which was seen to be blocking the will of the Scottish people to decide their own future was a Westminster which was putting itself on the back foot in an independence campaign. He realised that it would be impossible to tell the people of Scotland that they were valued and equal partners in a family of nations when the British government was doing its utmost to prevent the people of Scotland have a say on their own future. He was also sufficiently confident, overly confident, that the referendum would produce a substantial majority against independence. The narrowness of the result shocked the British establishment, but not enough to shake them out of their complacency once the desired result had been achieved.

The difference between then and now is that Theresa May doesn’t have the same confidence that another referendum would produce a substantial majority against independence. Theresa May doesn’t want to add being the British Prime Minister who presided over the break up of the UK to her long and inglorious list of political failures. But more than that, we have a Prime Minister who genuinely doesn’t care what Scotland wants, who doesn’t listen to what Scotland says, and who regards Scotland as little more than a glorified English county council. This is a Prime Minister who has such contempt for the democratic will of the people of Scotland that she was able to stand up in the House of Commons and declare that the SNP doesn’t have a mandate for another referendum.

On a visit to Scotland on Thursday, Foreign Secretary Jeremy Rhyming Slang said that “of course” the British government would refuse to agree to a Section 30 order. That’s why, simultaneously with an announcement that it seeks a Section 30 order, the Scottish Government must also start a court case which tests the legality of a consultative referendum. And if that legal case fails, then plans should be developed for a plebiscite election.

Let’s face it. If the only way that you can keep Scotland within the UK is to rely upon a veto from a Conservative Prime Minister who has no electoral mandate in Scotland, and who denies the existence of the political mandate that the Scottish Parliament possesses, then you’ve already lost the democratic argument for Scotland remaining within the UK. You’ve already conceded the point that Scotland is not willingly and freely a part of the UK, because you’re refusing to allow the people of Scotland to have their say on the matter.

Theresa May and her ministers must be taught that there will be a Scottish vote whether they agree or not, and therefore it’s in the interests of the British Government to agree to a Section 30 order as the only means of maintaining the fiction that Scotland really is a part of a union. This Conservative Government of Scotland-deniers is not going to concede freely and willingly that Scotland should have a say on its future. It must be presented with a fait accompli.


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Journey to Yes #23

Jenny says Yes. Jenny Constable is a freelance journalist from Glasgow and a very British family with members from Scotland, England and Ireland. As part of the ‘Scottish Devolution Generation’, Jenny grew up in a Scotland with devolved powers and that valued its place in Europe. Jenny supported Better Together in 2014 believing it would secure more powers and Scotland’s place in the EU. As the Tory UK Govt drags us out of Europe and centralises powers to Westminster, Scotland’s devolved settlement and its place in the EU face a very real and imminent threat. Jenny feels the past two years have revealed England and Scotland as very different countries with distinct cultures and ambitions. Any worries Jenny has about Scotland going its own way are very much outweighed by the dangers of staying in Britain. Independence offers a brighter future for all.


I’d like to apologise to anyone who goes along to the Yes Edinburgh South event organised this evening at the Eric Lidell Centre hoping to see me and the dug. I’m afraid I’ve had to cancel as I have a very bad case of the flu and am really not well enough to drive through to Edinburgh and then speak in public for a couple of hours.  My throat feels like it’s on fire, every joint in my body is aching, I have a temperature, and I have a dreadful cough and my voice is hoarse. The flu is also why there haven’t been any updates to the blog this week, as I’ve been staying in bed feeling sorry for myself.

A Conservative stitch-up

stitchup
Do you hear that roasting sound? Hear it pop and spit? It’s the sound of shrivelling, shrinking, and burning up. Do you feel the heat and the fire that threatens to destroy the house? Are you unable to see anything through the dense smoke? That would be a million gammons learning that the UK can’t even ask itself if it wants to leave the EU without first getting the permission of Jean Claude Juncker. But that’s exactly what they demand of Scotland. And then they have the nerve to tell us that we’re in the most perfect union of nations ever seen on the face of this Earth.

The reality is that Scotland doesn’t need Theresa May’s permission to decide on its future. There is, as this blog has explored, more than one perfectly legal way in which the people of Scotland can have a democratic vote on whether we want to remain subject to the whims of an incompetent, venal, and broken Westminster system or become an independent, grown up, normal nation. There’s a consultative referendum, there’s turning a future Holyrood or Westminster election into a plebiscite election on independence. One way or another, Scotland can have a vote on its future, and Theresa May can’t stop it.

The Conservatives, you know, those people who don’t want Scotland to have any say over its constitutional future at all, know that too. So they also want to control how and when Scotland should have a say if and when Theresa May or whoever is Prime Minister in a few months’ time deigns to permit it. Or more accurately, when they discover that it’s politically impossible for them to prevent it.

Imagine that someone you know was determined that you shouldn’t have an enjoyable holiday. They tell you that they control the pursestrings, that you need their permission to go on holiday, and they’re not going to allow you to go. They do their utmost to prevent you getting the information you need in order to make an informed decision about your finances, about possible destinations. They lie to you. They tell you that you won’t be allowed a visa. They tell you that you’ll be refused entry into Europe.

Then when they discover that you’re going to go on holiday anyway and they can’t stop you, they inform you that they’ll decide when you go, where you go, and how you go. You can be as certain as it’s certain that TIG is going to be on Question Time that they’re going to do their utmost to ensure that you have the crappiest holiday imaginable. They’re going to make it so crappy that you’d prefer not to go on holiday at all.

The reason that the Conservatives want to control the timing, franchise, and question of a future independence referendum is because they want to pauchle it. The question in 2014 was rigorously fair and unbiased. It made no assumptions. It was not leading. The question that the Tories are likely to pose will be along the lines of “Do you want to break up the most successful partnership of nations that the world has ever seen and destroy Scotland forever? And see this kitten? It will get drowned.” They’ll ensure that the vote is held in the depths of winter in the worst weather possible on the same day that a royal baby is born while some other member of the royal family gets married on the centre of the Wembley pitch immediately before a Scotland-England fitba match. They’ll gerrymander the franchise to exclude 16 and 17 year olds and EU citizens, while extending it to everyone in the rest of the UK who has a Scottish grandparent or who once went to Argyll on a coach trip. Then they’ll insist that at least 60% of those who voted need to have voted in favour of independence and that the turnout has to be over 80%.

Westminster has previous for this kind of thing. 40 years ago Westminster pauchled the Home Rule referendum of 1979 in order to ensure that it was as difficult as possible for Scotland to achieve even a very limited form of self-government. The House of Commons introduced the infamous 40% rule, insisting that 40% of the entire electorate would have to assent to Home Rule. Scotland voted in favour of the then Labour government’s limited proposals for Home Rule, but not by enough to surmount the 40% of the entire electorate restriction. With an independence referendum, the stakes for Westminster are even higher. They will do their utmost to ensure that the referendum is skewed in their favour.

The Conservatives have already proven that their promises to Scotland cannot be trusted. Every single one of the promises and commitments that they made to Scotland lies shattered and broken. They haven’t strengthened devolution, they’ve undermined it. They haven’t kept Scotland within the EU, they’re taking us out of it. Scottish Conservative MPs have not been voting in a bloc to defend Scotland’s interests within the UK, they’re supine and spineless enablers of a British government determined to ignore and marginalise Scotland in the Brexit process. A Scottish independence referendum which is controlled, determined, and worded by the Conservatives in Westminster isn’t a Scottish referendum. It’s a Conservative stitch up.

For quite a while now, as I’ve been going around Scotland giving talks on independence, I’ve joked that whereas we were told in 2014 that Scotland couldn’t use the pound, the scare story that Better Together Mk II is going to use the next time round is that Scotland has to use the pound. And so it has come to pass. Opponents of independence are now quite literally one of my jokes.

On Twitter on Saturday Blair McDougall, the chief of Better Together Mk I, warned that Scotland needed to keep using the pound. You know, that pound that he said we couldn’t use in 2014. What has changed is of course that the SNP is now moving towards adopting a Scottish currency after independence and is dropping the previous policy of continuing to use sterling for an indeterminate period. So Better Together’s position on the currency is that if Scotland wants to use the pound then it has to use its own currency, but if Scotland wants to use its own currency then it has to use the pound. We’re glad they’ve cleared that up.


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Wee Ginger Dugcast – 1 March 2019

Welcome to the 1st of March edition of the Wee Ginger Dugcast, where Callum Baird (The National’s editor) and I manage to find things to talk about other than Brexit. Whoopee! In this edition we discuss Theresa May’s surprising revelation that she’s a fan of RuPaul’s Drag Race and whether this is the most embarrassing attempt by a politician to show that they’re in touch with popular culture since Gordon Brown claimed he was a fan of the Arctic Monkeys.  We also discuss the McCrone Report and the reaction received by The National to its groundbreaking decision to publish it in full, the news that the Conservatives expect the Scottish Government to ask for a Section 30 order within a few weeks – but have already decided to say no because they want us all to hit the iceberg together – and the decision by the SNP to move forward on plans for a new Scottish currency after independence.


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GINGER2croppedGaelic maps of Scotland are available for £15 each, plus £7 P&P within the UK for up to three maps. T-shirts are £12 each, and are available in small, medium, large, XL and XXL sizes. P&P is £5 for up to three t-shirts. My books, the Collected Yaps Vols 1 to 4 are available for £11 each. P&P is £4 for up to two books. Payment can be made via Paypal.

The greatest argument of all

prisoner

It’s being reported by the BBC that within the next few weeks Theresa May expects the Scottish Government to ask for a Section 30 order in order to hold another Scottish independence referendum, and that the Prime Minster has already decided to refuse.

If we have to beg London for permission just to ask ourselves the question, then that is the greatest argument of all in favour of Scottish independence. Westminster tells us that Scotland is a valued partner in a family of nations, but not so valued that it’s going to allow Scotland to decide its own future. If you keep your loved ones chained. If you refuse to allow them the autonomy to decide for themselves where they want to live. If you are determined that you and you alone have the sole right to choose where and how to live, then you don’t have a loved one. You have a hostage. You have a prisoner.

When you have a UK government minister who justifies the refusal by saying that “Once you’ve hit the iceberg, you’re all on it together,” you move from a rhetorical hostage situation to a literal one. Especially since the people of Scotland voted overwhelmingly to steer away from the iceberg in the first place. Especially since the great majority of the Scottish people’s elected representatives have spent the past two and a half years warning about the iceberg and offering strategies to either avoid it or minimise its impact, warnings and strategies which the British government has wilfully ignored.

With Theresa May’s refusal we can add the Scottish Claim of Right to the long list of Westminster lies. The Westminster Parliament voted in favour of the Scottish Claim of Right which asserts that the people of Scotland have the right to determine the form of government best suited to their needs. Yet Theresa May appears to believe that she has a veto on that. There was no rider in the Claim of Right. There was no clause saying that the people of Scotland have the right to determine the form of government best suited to their needs as long as that was OK with Theresa May. Indeed, the Scottish Claim of Right was formulated in the first place due to the implaccable opposition of an intransigent Conservative Prime Minister with little support in Scotland to the notion that Scotland might seek a form of self-government. Here we are, 30 years on, the tragedy of Thatcher repeating as the farce of May.

There can be few more effective starting points for a second Scottish independence referendum campaign than a Conservative British Prime Minister telling Scotland to shut up, be quiet, and get back in its box. This is going to be the cornerstone of the next independence campaign. Scotland is trapped within a state which refuses to allow Scotland a voice at the top level of government, which is taking Scotland out of the EU without permitting Scotland to influence the form or shape of Brexit, and which refuses to allow the people of Scotland to decide their own future. The message of the next independence campaign is going to be that given these circumstances, Scotland is not in a union at all. Scotland is the subordinate province of a unitary British state.

Others within the British government say that another independence referendum must be resisted because it would be a “distraction”. So there you go Scotland. Your future is a distraction from the important business of ensuring that blinkered British nationalists get what they want. Dunno about you, but I’d quite like to have a government for which the future of my country was its prime concern, and not merely an irritation to be sidelined and avoided.

All of this would be horrendous at the best of times. However as the UK is heading towards the uncertain and stormy waters of Brexit, led by a clueless Conservative party which has been taken over by right wing free market extremists, it becomes a moral imperative for the people of Scotland to get a vote on our future. The United Kingdom in which we currently reside is not the United Kingdom which we were promised in 2014. And it’s only set to get worse.

Theresa May’s time as Conservative leader will end sooner or later, probably sooner, and her Ukippified party will elect a new leader who is a hardline Brexiter who will take an axe to what remains of our public services. Then Scotland will face a hard right Conservative government which we didn’t vote for, which is pursuing the hard Brexit policies which Scotland has rejected, and which is channelling Margaret Thatcher in its refusal to listen to the demands of Scotland’s elected representatives and the mandate that they possess from the Scottish people. That’s really not going to be a good look if you’re an anti-independence campaigner and you’re trying to persuade voters in Scotland that we’re a valued partner in a union of nations.

A refusal to grant a Section 30 order from this most intransigent of Prime Ministers was always to be expected. However in order to deal with the refusal, the Scottish Government must first say that it wants a referendum. Only then can we progress beyond the current paralysis and move into the next phase of the campaign, one which will be centered on the democratic deficit that Scotland faces within the UK and preparations for either a consultative referendum without Westminster’s consent, or for transforming the next set of elections in Scotland into a plebiscite on independence.

Meanwhile the SNP has announced that while it has decided to take on board most of the recommendations of the Growth Report, it has decided to move forward more quickly with the adoption of a new Scottish currency after independence. Retaining the use of the pound sterling will now be a temporary measure, similar to how sterling was retained by the Irish Free State until the introduction of the punt. This is a very good move, not least because the arse is likely to fall out of sterling after Brexit and then following Scottish independence.

It’s also a good move because it’s only with a currency of our own that the Scottish government will have the economic freedom of movement to break free of the UK’s ruinous financial policies. It’s a good move because it means we no longer have to pay heed to the British nationalist trolls who know the price of everything and the value of nothing.

The greatest argument of all for Scottish independence is that as part of the UK Scotland isn’t allowed to decide what’s best for Scotland. We’ve got a struggle ahead of us. The British state is not going to give up its control over Scotland easily. But the tide of history is carrying us forward. All they have are threats and scare stories. We have the vision.

 


 

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